File Name: jerry falwell and the rise of the religious right .zip
The Moral Majority was a prominent American political organization associated with the Christian right and Republican Party.
In recent years, however, the Christian Right has transformed how it approaches various moral and cultural issues, appealing to the language and process of political rights. This reframing of cultural concerns has coincided with the declining cultural status of conservative Christianity. This article analyzes three issue areas—abortion, free speech, and religious freedom—documenting how conservative Christianity has altered its approach to public politics, coming to embrace individual rights language and arguments over and above common morality. The article also analyzes the whether this growing rights talk has contributed to extending support to the rights of others, finding mixed results.
The Moral Majority was a prominent American political organization associated with the Christian right and Republican Party. It was founded in by Baptist minister Jerry Falwell Sr. It played a key role in the mobilization of conservative Christians as a political force and particularly in Republican presidential victories throughout the s.
Oxford Dictionaries defines the term as a "right-wing movement in the US formed in the s. Having already been a part of a well-established network of ministers and ministries, within a few years Falwell was favorably positioned to launch the Moral Majority. The impetus for the Moral Majority was the struggle for control of an American conservative Christian advocacy group known as Christian Voice during Robert Grant , Christian Voice's acting president, said in a news conference that the religious right was a "sham During a meeting, they urged televangelist Jerry Falwell Sr.
This was the period when the New Christian Right arose. Falwell and Weyrich founded the Moral Majority in June The Moral Majority was predominately a Southern-oriented organization of the Christian Right, although its state chapters and political activity extended beyond the South.
In addition, the Moral Majority took control of the Old Time Gospel Hour' s publication, Journal Champion , which had been distributed to the show's donors. By , Moral Majority surpassed Christian Voice in size and influence.
Virginia has been a seat of Christian Right politics, being the state where the Christian Coalition 's first headquarters were established. Falwell was at the head of the Moral Majority and maintained an advisory board, constituting the organization's primary leadership. This leadership was drawn mostly from Falwell's fellow members of the Baptist Bible Fellowship. Falwell insisted the Moral Majority leadership also include Catholics and Jews, although not all members of the leadership approved of this inclusion.
The Moral Majority was an organization made up of conservative Christian political action committees which campaigned on issues its personnel believed were important to maintaining its Christian conception of moral law. They believed this represented the opinions of the majority of Americans hence the movement's name. With a membership of millions, the Moral Majority became one of the largest conservative lobby groups in the United States and at its height, it claimed more than four million members and over two million donors.
The Moral Majority was incorporated into the Liberty Federation in , remaining a distinct entity but falling under the Liberty Federation's larger jurisdiction.
By , Falwell retired as the formal head of the Moral Majority, and was succeeded by Jerry Nims,   although he maintained an active and visible role within the organization. By the end of Ronald Reagan 's presidential administration, Christian Right organizations were generally in a phase of decline. After Reagan's two terms in office, donations were decreasing, because after eight years of Christian Right-supported leadership, the nation was no longer in the same state of supposed moral peril as it was when Reagan first took office.
Disbanding the Moral Majority in in Las Vegas , Falwell declared, "Our goal has been achieved…The religious right is solidly in place and … religious conservatives in America are now in for the duration. The Moral Majority sought to mobilize conservative Americans to become politically active on issues they thought were important. A variety of tactics were used to garner support.
These tactics included direct-mail campaigns, telephone hotlines, rallies, and religious television broadcasts. According to Robert Liebman and Robert Wuthnow , common explanations for this success include: .
Some issues for which the Moral Majority campaigned included: . Under this pro-family agenda, they mobilized a large base of supporters with issue-centric dialogue that they proliferated in their network of preachers and mailings. In particular, the anti-homosexual rhetoric that they publicized through fund-raising letters and Christian broadcasting had higher contribution rates than other topics.
Later, as the organization gained more influence in the s, their rhetoric became more explicit in their stance on gay rights as they characterized the movement as an attack on the American family.
Jerry Falwell Sr. Just as jumping off a building will kill a person, so will the spread of homosexuality bring about the demise of American culture as we know it". The Moral Majority comprised four distinct organizations: . The state chapters of the Moral Majority were financially independent from the national organization and relied on local resources to conduct their activities. Consequently, the national organization encouraged local chapters to cooperate with their policies but had little control over local chapters' activities.
The Moral Majority engaged in political activity in a variety of ways, including national media campaigns and grassroots organization aimed at supporting particular candidates in elections and using mail and phone calls to reach office-holders. As far as elections, state Moral Majority chapters tended to deliberately focus their efforts towards particular candidates. For example, state chapters participated in campaigns to oust liberal members of Congress during the election.
Also, in , the Moral Majority mobilized delegates to the Virginia Republican state nominating convention in order to support Guy Farley, an evangelical candidate for lieutenant governor. Nationally, the Moral Majority encouraged electoral participation among its members and used registration drives to register church-goers to vote, with the logic that Moral Majority members would be likely to vote for Moral Majority-endorsed candidates, thus strengthening the organization's electoral efficacy and strengthening its endorsements.
Leaders within the Moral Majority asked ministers give their congregants political direction, reminding congregants when to vote, whom to vote for, and why the Moral Majority held particular positions on issues.
For the first time, a self-professed evangelical Christian had been elected to the nation's highest office, bringing the national awareness of evangelical Christianity to a new level.
Despite commonality in religious identification, however, evangelical Christians in general and eventually the newly formed Moral Majority in particular came to be disappointed with Carter's policies.
Carter did not share the Moral Majority's political imperative to unify personal and political positions and would instead support the positions of his own party, the Democratic Party. In particular, Carter did not actively oppose his party's general pro-choice platform on abortion, nor did Carter work to bridge the church-state divide, both factors in the Moral Majority's decision to support Ronald Reagan's candidacy in The Moral Majority was a relatively early supporter of Reagan, endorsing him before the Republican convention.
Following the organization's lead, more than one-fifth of Moral Majority supporters that had supported Carter in voted for Reagan in Reagan sought input from the Moral Majority leadership during his campaign and appointed the Rev. Robert Billings, the Moral Majority's first executive director, to be a religious advisor to the campaign.
This appointment was particularly significant for the Moral Majority, which had lobbied on education policy issues, especially those regarding private schools. The Moral Majority maintained their support for Reagan's reelection campaign and, alongside other Christian Right organizations, influenced the Republican platform for the election, shaping the party's campaign stances on school prayer and abortion.
Although Reagan won reelection, the role of the Moral Majority in the victory had changed since A study of voters in the election showed that more anti-Moral Majority voters voted for Walter Mondale than pro-Moral Majority voters voted for Reagan, suggesting the Moral Majority may have actually had a negative effect on Reagan's campaign.
With Reagan having reached his two-term limit, the Republican nomination was open to a variety of primary contenders. The evangelical minister and televangelist Pat Robertson sought the Republican nomination and would have been, at first glance, a natural choice for the Moral Majority's support. Although Robertson's political platforms were extremely similar to the ones the Moral Majority supported, Falwell gave his organization's endorsement to contender George H.
Bush instead. Falwell's decision highlighted the rivalry between Falwell and Robertson as televangelists but also revealed the deep-seated tension that still persisted between competing evangelical traditions — Falwell's fundamentalist tradition was at odds with Robertson's charismatic tradition.
By —88, the views of the Moral Majority were challenged widely and the organization started to crumble. With its waning support, critics said "The Moral Majority is neither", meaning the organization was neither moral nor a majority.
By , there were serious cash flow problems and Falwell dismantled the organization in During its existence the Moral Majority experienced friction with other evangelical leaders and organizations as well as liberal leaders and organizations. For example, Bob Jones particularly sought to challenge the public position of the Moral Majority and was known to make public statements that the Moral Majority was an instrument of Satan.
In South Carolina, the Moral Majority had no presence because Bob Jones University 's religious network had already organized the state's independent Baptists. On the ideologically opposed side, Norman Lear 's liberal organization People for the American Way was formed with the specific intention of opposing the platforms of the Moral Majority and other Christian Right organizations. The intent of the organization is to continue the "evangelical revolution" to help conservative politicians get elected.
Referring to the Coalition as a "21st century resurrection of the Moral Majority," Falwell, a father of the modern "religious right" political movement, committed to leading the organization for four years. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
American Christian right-wing political organization. Burnham H. Bush W. Weyrich Will Williams Wolfowitz. Think tanks. Other organizations. Variants and movements. See also. Oxford Dictionaries. Archived from the original on Retrieved September 10, New York: Aldine Publishing Company. Religion in America Since A History , p.
New York: Columbia University Press. New York: Broadway Books. Roads to Dominion. New York: Guilford Press. McAteer, 78; Empowered Christian Right". The New York Times. Retrieved May 26, Threshold Editions. Retrieved The New Yorker. Retrieved 22 January April Journal of Policy History.
Cambridge University Press. Onward Christian Soldiers?
Only available to stream on Docuseek2. This first in-depth, non-ideological series traces its roots from the anxious "Christian anti-Communism" of the 's to the sophisticated politics of the Christian Coalition of the late s. How do media images of the Religious Right differ from the reality? Finally, when politicians and religious activists join forces, who holds the reins? Post-War fundamentalism is marked by optimism, mass revival meetings, and disdain for worldly politics. But current events-from America's growing anti-Communism to the election of Catholic John Kennedy to the Civil Rights movement-prod evangelical Christians into the political arena. Dismayed by Supreme Court rulings banning school prayer and encouraged by the Goldwater '64 campaign, conservative Christians rise up in Anaheim, California, to launch a nationwide revolt against sex education.
Hyser, Raymond M. Boston: Wadsworth Cengage Learning, American politics have always to some degree been influenced by religion. As a nation whose long history of religious tolerance includes milestones like Thomas Jefferson's Virginia Statue of Religious Freedom and a rigid separation of church and state laid out in its constitution, the United States to this day has retained a blossoming and diverse religious culture. Government was neither ever to interfere with the religious affairs of its citizens, nor was it to establish any kind of regulation thereof, making religion in the U.
Home Book reviews Reviews Daniel K. New York: Oxford University Press, ISBN: Daniel Williams, professor of history at the University of West Georgia, published a welcome new contribution to this body of literature by placing this phenomenon in a much longer historical context. His well-written and careful book depoliticizes what is often viewed as a negative influence in American politics, and thus avoids the emotional connotations.
Сьюзан была понятна боль, которую испытывал шеф. Его так просто обвели вокруг пальца. Танкадо не собирался продавать свой алгоритм никакой компьютерной компании, потому что никакого алгоритма не .
Парень побелел. Беккер попридержал его еще минутку, потом отпустил. Затем, не сводя с него глаз, нагнулся, поднял бутылки и поставил их на стол. - Ну, доволен. Тот потерял дар речи.
Дэвид Беккер повесил трубку. Альфонсо XIII. Он усмехнулся.
Чтобы предотвратить дальнейшее проникновение в государственные секреты, вся наиболее важная информация была сосредоточена в одном в высшей степени безопасном месте - новой базе данных АНБ, своего рода форте Нокс разведывательной информации страны. Без преувеличения многие миллионы наиболее секретных фотографий, магнитофонных записей, документов и видеофильмов были записаны на электронные носители и отправлены в колоссальное по размерам хранилище, а твердые копии этих материалов были уничтожены.
Ничего. Вроде бы на нижней ступеньке никого. Может, ему просто показалось. Какая разница, Стратмор никогда не решится выстрелить, пока он прикрыт Сьюзан. Но когда он начал подниматься на следующую ступеньку, не выпуская Сьюзан из рук, произошло нечто неожиданное.
Сьюзан вдруг поняла, что стала смеяться гораздо чаще, чем раньше. Казалось, не было на свете ничего, что Дэвид не мог бы обратить в шутку. Это было радостное избавление от вечного напряжения, связанного с ее служебным положением в АНБ. В один из прохладных осенних дней они сидели на стадионе, наблюдая за тем, как футбольная команда Рутгерса громит команду Джорджтауне кого университета. - Я забыла: как называется вид спорта, которым ты увлекаешься? - спросила Сьюзан.
Беккер нервно посматривал на медсестру. Пожалуй, дело кончится тем, что его выставят на улицу. Клушар продолжал бушевать: - И этот полицейский из вашего города тоже хорош. Заставил меня сесть на мотоцикл. Смотрите сюда! - Он попытался поднять левую руку.
Понимаю. - В голосе звонившего по-прежнему чувствовалась нерешительность. - Ну, тогда… надеюсь, хлопот не. - Отлично.
И, разумеется, Христофора Колумба? - просиял лейтенант. - Он похоронен в нашем соборе. Беккер удивленно посмотрел на. - Разве. Я думал, что он похоронен в Доминиканской Республике.
- Переходите к главному. - Вернитесь назад, - приказала Сьюзан. - Документ слишком объемный. Найдите содержание.
Его жертва не приготовилась к отпору. Хотя, быть может, подумал Халохот, Беккер не видел, как он вошел в башню.
На загрузку программы и поиск вируса уйдет минут пятнадцать. Скажи, что ничего нет, - прошептал. - Абсолютно. Скажи папе, что все в порядке.
Бринкерхофф проследовал за Мидж в ее кабинет. Она села и начала, подобно пианисту-виртуозу, перебирать клавиши Большого Брата. Бринкерхофф посмотрел на мониторы, занимавшие едва ли не всю стену перед ее столом. На каждом из них красовалась печать АНБ.
Чатрукьян заколебался. - Я не могу. - Разумеется, не можете.
В служебных помещениях ТРАНСТЕКСТА было черно как глубокой ночью.
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